Friday, May 11, 2012

TANZANIA WE MUST FIGHT AGAINST HIV


Since the Tanzania Social Forum in March 2006, TYC has been a member of the national steering committee preparing for the WSF in Nairobi. The committee has divided the work into groups, and TYC is actually responsible for two of these groups.
TYC is the only youth organisation in the committee, so of course the organization became responsible for the youth. There was no cultural organisation, but some of the member organisations work with culture, so TYC also took the leadership of that group.
- It is a unique opportunity to present Tanzania, its youth and its culture to the rest of the world, and we will do it. The problem is, there are no funds to do it for, Tambwe Tumba tells.
But some culture events and exhibitions have their own funds to go like the Julius Nyerere Foundation, and some of them go to sell art from Tanzania.
- But our small theatre groups and dancing groups have started rehearsals, but they don’t know if they will ever be able to go, says Tambwe.

Want to give a good impression TYC will present a position paper on youth unemployment, one of the biggest problems for youth, not only in Tanzania, but in all of Africa.
- Many have a very positive image of Tanzania. If we send a big group of well prepared youth to Nairobi, we will also give a good impression of the Tanzanian youth. At least we want to participate actively in the youth camp at the WSF, Isdory says.
Since the Tanzania Social Forum, TYC has sent the messages and ideas behind Social Forums out to all their member organisations all over Tanzania and in that way started the movement towards Nairobi.
But the price to participate is way above what unemployed youth can manage to pay.
Expensive bus faresThe registration fee is ok, but the transport even though Kenya and Tanzania are neighbours is more than a monthly minimum salary, and on top comes accommodation, food and health expenses.
- We are not going to stay at five star hotels, but maybe in the tented camps. The important thing is to meet with all the other youth representatives from all over the world to exchange ideas, says Isdory.
The two still have hopes to succeed in sending some busses filled with dedicated youth to Nairobi.
- We have a strong network with the youth organisations in the region, especially in Kenya. We will describe the participation of the youth as a project and present to donors, we will not give up, says the two young volunteers.
Their hope is to send 200 of their members to Nairobi to sing and dance, to discuss and learn and to bring back inspiration to their work at home.

Attitudes and Beliefs about Disability in Tanzania

People are constantly evaluating and making judgements about other people and events. We react to people and situations on the basis of how we evaluate and judge them. This chapter focuses on reactions towards disability and disabled people in historical and contemporary terms. The generally held view that attitudes in non-western cultures are very negative is closely examined through an analysis of attitudes in Africa as epitomized in the folklore from Tanzania.

The author declares his bias towards people-centred, or autonomous development in which local communities and nations reflect on their own situation and take action to solve their problems (Freire, 1973). The phrase "non-western cultures" is used in this chapter to refer to nation states and local communities popularly known as "developing countries" or "the developing world". This is to avoid the economics-centred, material accumulation, stage theory of development which these phrases suggest. Likewise, industrialized or "developed countries" are referred to as "western cultures".
The use of the concept of culture places disability in its proper context, especially in relation to attitudes and attitude change in the community. It is also an attempt to encourage positive intercultural relations without which stereotyping, domination, oppression and imposition of foreign values in education and social work often occurs. Gadamer stresses the need for cultures "entering into an openended dialogue, where neither party is in control (and) there are no privileged...cultural positions" (quoted in Welch, 1993).

Historical Perspectives on Attitudes towards Disability
History is replete with examples of disabled people worldwide being ridiculed, killed, abandoned to die or condemned to permanent exclusion in asylums and ridiculed (Pritchard, 1963). Anang (1992) claims that the Greeks abandoned their disabled babies on hillsides to die while early Chinese left their disabled people to drown in rivers. In Europe, Nero Commodus is said to have targeted bow and arrows on physically disabled individuals and the Church in the 15th century sanctioned the extermination of disabled persons (Durant, 1944; Onwuegbu, 1988).

Coleridge (1993) traces through history the killing of people with disabilities, beginning with the Spartans who killed disabled persons as a matter of law; the endorsement by Martin Luther to kill disabled babies because they were 'incarnations of the devil'; the English eugenicists who eliminated disabled people under the Darwinian evolution theory of the 'survival of the fittest' and the Nazi Euthanasia Programme under Hitler to exterminate disabled people as they could not make any contribution to society. These persecutions recorded in western cultures are still evident today.

In a world guided by economics, with its concern for investment and maximum rate of return, inequalities of opportunities are created for people with disabilities. There are people today who are strongly in favour of non-treatment of newborns with severe disabilities, much as were the nineteenth century eugenicists (McDaniel, 1989). Termination of life is now affecting foetuses. For instance, Gudalefsky and Madduma (1992:7) give an account of the "shocking and unacceptable" statement by a European delegate at a recent world conference who reported "that his country has solved the problem of defectives by the introduction of widespread amniocentesis and other prenatal testing procedures".

However, amid the raging persecutions, history also presents rays of positive societal perception and action. For example, Anang (1992) reports on the interest in the problems of blind people which became manifest in Egypt in 2650 BC. Subsequently Egypt began to provide opportunity for blind people "to engage in gainful employment" and to be known as the "country of the blind". As a result of this fame, Anang (1992:17) writes: Pythagoras travelled to Egypt and observed the work being done with the blind in Egypt and carried the story of their work to Greece.
Pythagoras' visit to Egypt created interest in the study of eye diseases and influenced public attitudes towards people with blindness and other disabilities.

Favourable practices in rehabilitation and community care were found all over the world. For example, Miles (1983), in his review of literature, reports of the use of prosthetic and artificial eyes in India around the 6th century BC. and "a remarkable tradition of community care for the mentally disordered" which began in Belgium in the 5th century AD.

On the educational scene, the contributions made by such educational thinkers as Froebel, Russeau, Locke and Montessori, to name but a few, have had an indirect influence on the understanding of disabled learners (Ishumi, 1976). The history of special education is in fact a story of changing attitudes towards people with disabilities; from private tuition, institutions, special schools to integration and now gradually to inclusive education. It is worth noting that the idea and practice of integrated education is not a 20th century innovation.

Johann Wilhelm Klein advocated it vigorously in Austria in 1810, prepared a guide to assist regular class teachers who had blind children in their classes in 1819, and this led to the issuing of a policy statement on integration in 1842 (Gearhart and Weishahn, 1976). Historically, therefore, attitudes towards disabled people have been a mixture of persecution as well as tolerance. However, the tolerance shown has been paternalistic. Disabled people were perceived as incapable of making their own decisions and of taking control of their lives; they were viewed as people who always need to be helped or as objects of pity and charity (Coleridge, 1993). This paternalistic conception of disability is clearly evident in the work of voluntary organizations, especially in their fund-raising activities (Ralph, 1989).

Unfortunately, paternalistic attitudes tend to create dependency and an incapacitating learned helplessness in people with disabilities. It erodes the self-esteem of the recipient of charity (Oliver, 1990). Modern practices recognize and respect the disabled person as a person first and as disabled second. Disabled people are not perceived as inferior or second-class citizens, but capable of communicating and participating, entering into dialogue with other people (Freire, 1973). These are the empowering practices, the very basis of people-centred development, which recognize that disabled people, or any other group of human beings in society, need to be responsible for their own affairs.

Attitudes to Disabled People in Non-Western Cultures

There is ample evidence that all cultures - western and non-western - exhibit reactions to disability and disabled people which form a continuum (Ingstad, 1990). Yet much literature on non-western cultures is dominated by descriptions of negative attitudes. O'Toole (1988) has summarized these descriptions thus:

In the West the disabled have been stereotyped as being dependent, isolated, depressed and emotionally unstable...Such negative feelings are amplified in LDCs [Least Developed Countries] where the overwhelming impression, from published literature, is of attitudes towards the disabled which are very negative.

Ingstad (1990) argues against this stereotyping of non-western cultures and describes it as a recently created "north-south myth". In order to raise money, create awareness..., a picture of the situation for disabled people has often been painted as negatively as possible, emphasising shame, hiding, killing, etc.

Particular caution must be exercised when reviewing western literature on attitudes or literature that has been written by, or on behalf of, a charitable organization. However, regional, country and community-specific initiatives which are aimed at developing relevant strategies for changing negative public attitudes in favour of disabled persons are indeed laudable. The study carried out in Pakistan following the International Year of Disabled Persons (IYDP) in 1981 provides an excellent example of a country-specific action-oriented attitude consideration, whatever the researchers' initial assumptions (Miles, 1983). Kisanji (1993) and Walker (1986) have similarly provided an overview of the situation in Africa.

There are also a number of studies on attitudes at community level (Bickford and Wickham, 1986; Muya and Owino, 1986; O'Toole, 1988). Most of these published and unpublished works reveal a mixed pattern of attitudes which are a mirror image of the worldwide situation. Hence it is misleading to argue that attitudes in non-western cultures are very negative.

An examination of the published materials on non-western cultures shows that most of them are impressionistic, anecdotal (Miles, 1983) and written for a western audience often by westerners. Although the studies which are reported in literature are sometimes carried out with or in consultation with local professionals, the interpretation of data cannot escape the inevitable influence of western culture.

Each culture has its own unique characteristics which usually are best understood by indigenous people. However some of the local professionals, products of non-indigenized western education, may not understand their own culture (Thairu, 1985; Thiong'o, 1986). Misinterpretations of practices, therefore, may be made by both local and foreign researchers and caution needs to be exercised when reviewing findings on attitudes in non-western cultures.

Further problems in attitudinal research include difficulties with sampling procedures, attitudinal measurement and attitudinal biases (Gajar, 1983). A recent computer search on attitudes towards disability and disabled people, with DISABILITY, ATTITUDES, DISABLED PEOPLE as the keywords, gave 133 entries which included both rigorous studies and non-empirical descriptions of attitudes. The studies focused on perceived causes of disability, parental reaction immediately following the identification and confirmation of the impairment in the child or family member, educability and employability of disabled persons. Child rearing practices, despite their importance in showing action oriented attitudes, were not covered.

Data were collected from disabled persons, parents, students, teachers, co-workers and other specific professional groups who have gone through western schooling. The findings of these studies may not be generalisable to oral (orate) cultures.

Studies of attitudes in orate cultures are bound to face even more problems. Ethnographic research takes a long time to complete. Mastery of the local language to a native speaker level would take many years. It is no wonder, therefore, that there have been so few studies on attitudes in non-western cultures. Local professionals have largely been content with impressionistic descriptions which may express mainly personal perceptions rather than genuine community attitudes.

However, community attitudes are an expression of a people's culture. A study of some aspects of culture ought to reveal generally held views about disability and disabled people. These aspects may include customs, paintings, drawings, carvings, and the folklore and language used in relation to disability and disabled persons and folklore. Ingstad (1990) provides a hint in this direction when she writes:

In the old days in Europe a disabled family member was considered a shame, a sign of God's punishment and thus someone to be hidden, killed, etc. This may have been true to some extent, but if we go to what is probably our best source, folktales and literature, we get a different picture (p.188).
The study described in this chapter was based on the realization, that folklore may shed more information on attitudes. The main purpose was to identify community rather than individual attitudes and to represent both orate and non-orate cultures. It sought to find out whether communities in Tanzania understood the characteristics of disabilities and to survey the general attitudes towards disabled people. Although Africa is such a vast continent with diverse cultures, an examination of proverbs in various regions may yield patterns of attitudes similar to those reported in this study. A cursory search points to such Jabo proverbs from Liberia (Herzog, 1936) as "the arm is beautiful, yet it has a knot" and "one trusts his wrist before he speaks contemptuously".

Serpell (1993) uses proverbs from Zambia to point to three themes related to child rearing or education in Chewa society as it is "afforded by non-specialized adults to their young charges and apprentices" (p.70). The themes are (1) elders have a responsibility for the upbringing of children, (2) early experience has profound influence on later behaviour; hence the effectiveness of educational intervention early in life, and (3) instruction is essential for success in life and it requires an awareness of how learning takes place. Although the proverbs listed in each case do not refer directly to childhood, parenthood or disability, their deeper meanings are immensely relevant to disabled persons, as the analysis of proverbs from Tanzania will show. These and other similar proverbs suggest that community attitudes in Africa can, with minor variations, be generalized. To this end, community attitudes in Tanzania are presented as a case study.

Disability in Tanzanian Proverbs
Proverbs, sayings, riddles, folksongs and tales which carry notions related to disability and disabled people were collected by the author using documentation and interviews. A literature search for the period 1935-1990 was carried out. Interviews were also conducted with tribal elders (N=44), primary school heads (N=10) and teachers (N=45). The data obtained was then analysed thematically by disability.

The thematically arranged proverbs, folksongs and tales were circulated during 1994 to 11 Tanzanian students at the Universities of Bradford, Cardiff and Manchester in the UK to verify their meanings and usage as well as to elicit their contributions to the disabilityrelated folklore. A few additions were made, especially with regard to folksongs and folktales. The content and editorial comments received were incorporated into the analysis.

As the proverbs have been in existence for many years, as noted by the community elders (60 years of age and above) and from published material (Omari, Kezilahabi and Kamera, 1978; 1979), the dominant attitudes in the proverbs have existed for at least 50 years. In order to present a trend and pattern analysis, the data were arranged according to themes. These are (1) disability characteristics, (2) disability in various aspects of community life, (3) attitudes which show persecution (cruelty), and (4) attitudes which show accommodation, equality and human rights.

a feature about drug abuse in tanzania

Darkness is slowly creeping/descending in the Mikocheni 1 primary school’s playing ground, students from the school have gone home and the crowd that had gathered to watch a football match between the local clubs has thinned out leaving a few young men still seated in the darkening football pitch.

In that darkness, a young man produces a rolled out newspaper wrapped joint of marijuana and starts smoking while others lit up cigarettes. Hamisi Abdallah 23, the young man gets out another home made cigarette which he applies saliva to before lighting it. It contains a mixture of heroine and marijuana in it and they all take few puffs and inhale deeply as the joint is rotated and smoked. Before it has made a full rotation another is lit and the process goes on.

John Leguso 28, refrains from smoking the joint. Although he is part of the group of young men seated at the place and a heroine addict. He prefers injecting it to smoking.

Although Leguso started using drugs by smoking Marijuana and then Cannabis Resin (Hashish), heroine is now his drug of choice.

“When you smoke heroin you get high, but the feeling is not as strong as when the drug is injected directly into the bloodstream,” he says.

Abdallah on the other hand is scared of injecting himself. When Leguso is far from the hearing range he tells me that injecting yourself is an easy ay of contracting Aids.

“Often they use the same needle, it’s not safe.” He says.

The same night, a little after 10pm on kinondoni road, a young woman who gives her name as only Mwanaidi is busy injecting a whitish substance using a syringe into the blood vein of her friend just above the elbow.


The two women who tell me that they practice prostitution to earn a living say that they need the drug before they embark on their business.
“We would have taken the drug earlier but we had no money to buy it.” Mwanaidi says.

Mwanaidi ties a string around her elbow as her friend rests leaning on a tree feeling the euphoria as the drug takes effect.
Her skin looks cramped and wrinkled making her a lot older than her twenty-two years.

She injects the needle on the vein explaining that the drug has to be injected into a major vein to for it to give maximum euphoria. “If you accidentally inject into the muscles, you experience a lot of pain,” Mwanaidi explains.

The peddler loaned them the drug on conditions that after they get their first customer they will pay him his money. Mwanaidi claims that prostitution is not an easy job and the drugs makes them brave enough to face their customers.

“After you inject yourself, you become fearless and shameless, she says. “You can do or say anything to anyone.”

Twenty meters from where they stand is pub where several young men are playing pool. One of the young men is the peddler but he only deals with customers that he has dealt with before.
Anyone who wants to be a new customer must be introduced by an old customer and never buys the drugs unless he comes with the old customer. When he comes from the drugs he waits while the young man receives the money and the old customer leaves with one of the boys and comes back with the drug. The peddler trusts him then he is allowed to do the purchases on his own.

The group of young men playing pool with him, act as his bodyguards and his look out. Incase their any suspicious people around the area; one of them disappears with the drugs. Incase any is arrested; their big boss provides bail as more than often the drugs are not found.

Mwanaidi says that the peddlers work in conjunction with the police although there was no proof making this allegation true .

Before the 1980’s, the most common drugs used in Tanzania were Bhang (Cannabis Sativa) and Khat (Catha Edulis) commonly known as Mirungi. The drugs were cultivated within the country.

But recently cases of harder drugs being abused have been on the increase and the number of Tanzanians being arrested abroad in possession of hard drugs or trying to transport them has been on the rise.

According to statistics released in April 2005 by the senior superintendent of police Afwilile Adamson Mponi the deputy in charge of the narcotics unit in the criminal investigation department, the number of Tanzanians arrested abroad for drug offences from 1st January to 30th June 2004 were 10. The previous year 2003 had 36 Tanzanians arrested over drug offences abroad while the year 2002 had 13 people arrested.

Figures from the report point out that although there were fewer arrests and fewer cases last year as compared to 2002 in connection with Cannabis Sativa, the weight of the drug seized by the police in their operations increased from 733,222 kilogram’s in 2003 to 964,070 kilograms in 2004.

Abdallah says that he gets his heroin stash from a local distributor from Kinondoni area known as Chacha. However that is not the only distributor as there are several others scattered through out the city in places such as Ilara near Buguruni and Msasani. Leguso says he gets his stash from the beach next to the fish market.

Small-scale distributors purchase the drug when its packed in packets of 10 measured using the tip of a fingernail. The pack of ten pieces is known as a booster and retails for 10,000 shillings. The distributors purchase each booster for 8500 shillings and make a profit of 1500 from every sale of a booster. Most of the users of this drug cannot afford to buy the drug in booster packs and therefore buy it in one packet for as little as a thousand shillings.


Previously Tanzania was a transit point for drugs such as Hashish, Mandrax (methaqualone), cocaine and heroine but amounts of drugs seized in the country seem to indicate something else. In 2001, police seized 7.967 kgs of Heroine while 2002 they seized 1.45kgs. The same year, 1863.6kgms of hashish were found concealed in hollowed out logs from Zambia in a consignment that was allegedly in transit to Canada. Last year 14.354 kgms of heroine were seized, the figure rising from the 4.071 kgms seized in 2003. This shows that there is an upward trend in heroine abuse.
The drugs get into Tanzania passing via ports, the borders or through the airport.

Drugs are mixed with other illegitimate commodities or swallowed by many traffickers who bring them into the country via air.

Dr Abdul Issa from Herbert Kairuki University was involved in a research study about drug abuse in Tanzania. The studies, which were conducted in Kinondoni district, state that the majority of those who get involved in drug abuse are aged 15 to 35 years.

According to the research, drug addicts can be grouped into two categories. The first is composed of the rich who don’t need to involve themselves in petty crimes to buy drugs. This group is small with most of the addicts from this group being young. They usually start abusing drugs due to peer pressure or as a way of seeking attention from their family.

The second and bigger category comprises of those who are not very well off and they usually turn to drug abuse out of frustration.

The research and the police report both conclude that the major drugs that are abused in Tanzania are cannabis resin (hashish), heroine and marijuana. Cases of cocaine abuse are not that high.

Dr Issa says many of the youths who are jobless and spend hours at vijiweni end up taking drugs.
“Boredom, illiteracy and peer group influence leads most of these young men into using the drugs,” he says. “ Most of them start experimenting with marijuana, they later on move to harder drugs when the rush from marijuana does not satisfy them.”

Heroin is processed from morphine, which is extracted from seeds of certain types of poppy plants. Pure heroin is a white powder, but it is frequently combined with additives so that its color may range from white to dark brown.

Heroin can be injected, sniffed/snorted, or smoked. It produces a sense of euphoria; the speed of onset depends on the method by which the drug is taken, with intravenous injection producing the most rapid onset or "rush."

Dr. Issa says the general effects of heroin include: intense, short-lived euphoria, lowered heart rate, blood pressure, and respiratory rate; nausea, drowsiness, poor concentration lowered body temperature, decreased appetite and decreased sexual drive. Long-term effects include: mood swings, severe constipation, menstrual irregularities, lung damage, skin infections, seizures, and coma.

Studies have shown that heroin is highly addictive in any form, and overdose is often lethal.
Users of the drug in the estates normally known as teja exhibit the following signs, constricted pupils, droopy eyelids, watery eyes, clammy or itchy skin, sniffles and at times scars from injections.

Drug abuse is not only on the rise in Tanzania but the world over. The total world production of heroin is on the increase, shooting up to 4706 tonnes in 2003 from 4451 tonnes in 2002.

Although the police are on the lookout for preventative measures to curb the increase in drug abuse, a lack of rehabilitation centres in the country poses a major threat to those already addicted. As a result most convicted drug offenders who need rehabilitation end up back on the streets without rehabilitation after having served their time.
It is not long before they return to their old ways and use the same drugs they were hooked on before they were arrested.
Poverty and lack of recreation facilities in urban areas for the youth also make the fight against drugs harder.
The police report adds that they also lack equipment and adequate manpower to man the streets.
The borders that are also points where drugs get in through are too long and it’s easy for traffickers to slip through, as the police are not enough.

Until there are changes, Abdallah, his crew and others will still abuse drugs outside houses and next to our schools threatening to introduce the vice to others in the society.
Ends

Cooperating out of poverty: Cooperative reform in Tanzania

African cooperatives are recreating themselves through member empowerment and increased commercial viability. British journalist Andrew Bibby reports from the United Republic of Tanzania where cooperatives are adopting a new approach to sustainability.
MAMSERA, Tanzania – In the foothills of Mount Kilimanjaro, the single-storey building housing the Mamsera Rural Cooperative Society is at the heart of community life in this coffee-growing village. Here, villagers bring their harvest of coffee beans to be weighed and graded and then taken down the unmade road to the town of Moshi, where the coffee auctions take place.
Inside the coop's office, Mr Camili Mariki, the assistant secretary, points to his mobile phone which, he explains, keeps him in touch with current coffee prices at the market. It enables him and his colleagues to try to ensure that the village's coffee beans are taken to market at the best possible time. Typically, coffee will fetch between 1,500 and 2,000 Tanzanian shillings a kilo (around US$1.50), though the coop has on occasion received more than US$2 a kilo. Current prices are chalked up each day on the large blackboard outside the coop building for all to see.
Mamsera's cooperative has about 1,100 members who meet once a year, usually in March or April, to discuss the budget for the year ahead and to agree the mark-up the coop will take to cover its overheads. The day-to-day management is delegated to an elected nine-person Board, who in turn oversee the work of the five employees.
"We're standing on our own feet," says Mr Mariki with pride, adding that the coop has built up over 30 million shillings ($28,000) in bank deposits. The strength of the enterprise means that Mamsera's coop can expand its horizons: one idea currently being discussed is to sell coffee direct to the European market, eliminating some of the costs involved in selling through Moshi. The coop has already learned that it has to be ready to adapt. Coffee production has declined in recent years, and to compensate the coop has diversified its activities by beginning a small-scale brick manufacture business. The coop also operates two local shops as well as acting as agent for agricultural fertilizers, pesticides and seeds.
It's a success story which unfortunately is not universally the case in Tanzania. "Some neighbouring cooperative societies have nearly collapsed," Mr Mariki says, pointing to the financial problems they have suffered from being over-dependent on a single primary crop.
Tanzania's cooperatives have a long and proud history which goes back to the early 1930s. In the first decade of independence, the movement was particularly strong, with a complex structure of primary coops, secondary coop organizations and a national cooperative bank. Since then, however, the story has been less happy. For a period, coops became a tool for top-down governmental policies and were effectively integrated into state structures. By the time trade liberalization was introduced in the 1990s, the cooperative movement had become unresponsive to its members' needs and was unprepared for competition from the private sector.
A turning point came in the year 2000, when a special Commission was established by the then Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa to investigate what could be done to rejuvenate the country's cooperative sector. The Commission was blunt in its critique of the movement, which it said suffered from a lack of capital, unwieldy structures and problems with poor leadership, misappropriation and theft.
Since then, a series of concerted steps have been taken to overcome this legacy. New coop legislation, which among other things aims to strengthen member participation and democracy, was passed in 2003, whilst last year the government approved an overarching initiative, the Cooperative Reform and Modernization Programme (CRMP). Designed with assistance from the ILO, the CRMP has, in its own words, the objective of a "comprehensive transformation of Cooperatives, to become organizations which are member owned and controlled, competitive, viable, sustainable and with capacity for fulfilling members' economic and social needs". Member empowerment and commercial viability are seen as the two central themes of this reform agenda.
Whilst Mamsera's example demonstrates the advantages which agricultural coops can bring in rural areas, manufacturing coops are also a feature of urban areas of Tanzania. In Dar es Salaam, for example, Dasico (Dar es Salaam Small Industries Cooperative) is a thriving venture, currently with 398 members, which engages in a range of activities including carpentry, metalwork, paper bag manufacture and welding. Dasico members have access to health facilities in the workplace and the coop provides insurance protection against sickness and death.
More significant, perhaps, is the network of credit unions, known in Tanzania as Savings and Credit Cooperative Societies, SACCOs. There are about 1,400 registered SACCOs, ranging from community-based initiatives recruiting members working in the informal economy to workplace-based SACCOs. One of these is Posta na Simu, Tanzania's largest coop, which provides savings and loans services to employees of Tanzania Telecommunication Company, Tanzania Postal Company, the Postal Bank and the Communication Regulation Authority. Posta na Simu is also aware of the need for coops to adapt to changing times: with widespread redundancies a current feature of the telecoms sector, the SACCO is changing its approach so that, among other things, it can assist members who want to set up their own businesses.
Implementing the Cooperative Reform and Modernization Programme, which is intended to run from 2005-2015, is an ambitious task which has already attracted some Tanzanian government funding but which will probably also require donor finance if it is to be successful. A start has been made, however, at the grassroots, in moves which aim to reinvigorate the democratic principles of cooperation.
Each coop in selected regions of the country has recently been required to call a special general meeting of members at which new Board elections take place. Candidates for these leadership positions submit themselves to their coop in an election process which is carefully monitored by Tanzania's Registrar of Cooperatives and his staff. Would-be leaders who have been associated previously with maladministration or corruption, or who possess insufficient experience and skills, are ineligible to stand.
The election process has yet to be extended to coops throughout the whole of Tanzania.
Still, Dr Anacleti Kashuliza, Registrar of Cooperatives, says the elections have acted as a clear signal both to old-guard leaders and to coop members themselves that the old ways are changing. He describes the atmosphere at one lively election meeting held recently for a coop in the Shinyanga region as typical: "1,000 coop members turned up to elect the leadership. You feel, there's something happening here," he says.
African Centres of Competence
Tanzania's cooperative reform programme reflects a wider process of reform internationally as cooperatives recreate themselves for new economic realities. Many countries have taken the opportunity in recent years to modernize the legislative structures under which cooperatives operate.
In a recent initiative the ILO has joined with the International Cooperative Alliance (ICA) to launch Cooperating Out Of Poverty, the Global Co-operative Campaign Against Poverty. This step, the result of an ongoing partnership between the ILO and the ICA, aims to highlight the role which cooperatives can play in poverty reduction programmes.
In April 2006 cooperative leaders from ten African countries met in Nairobi to discuss the setting up of an Africa-wide cooperative facility, CoopAFRICA. Organized by the ICA Regional Office for Africa, it brought together representatives from across the African continent, cooperative development projects, and the ILO.
"To the surprise of many", said Jürgen Schwettmann, formerly of the ILO's Cooperative Branch, "the majority of participants were of the view that the central problem affecting cooperative development in Africa was not 'lack of resources' or 'external factors', but rather internal constraints such as the lack of organizational capacity, poor governance and insufficient voice and representation. In other words, the lack of member empowerment in its broadest sense, and at all levels, was the single most important factor."
CoopAFRICA will therefore concentrate on objectives at five levels: at the local level, to improve capacity building, strengthen the cooperative culture while observing local rules and traditions, and establish evaluation, monitoring and performance measuring systems; at the "meso" level, to strengthen organizational capacities and governance; at the national level, to strengthen the representation and voice of cooperative leaders; at the continental level, to improve organization and leadership; and at the international level, to strengthen member commitment.
In order to help it monitor progress towards these goals, CoopAFRICA has identified "centres of competence" in 15 different African countries, with each African sub-region represented in the first phase by three countries. Later on, participants agreed, CoopAFRICA should cover the entire African continent.
The ILO's Promotion of Cooperatives Recommendation, No. 193, agreed in 2002, is one of the instruments providing a global framework for reform, with its call for governments and social partners to support the development of strong, financially viable and autonomous cooperatives.
The ILO's Bureau for Workers' Activities and its Cooperative Branch have also spearheaded a unique collaboration between cooperative organizations and trade unions, through the SYNDICOOP project. This initiative has been operating in four east African countries, in Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda as well as Tanzania, with the aim of improving the working and living conditions of unprotected workers in the informal economy. In Tanzania, SYNDICOOP (which brings in both the Tanzania Federation of Cooperatives and the Trade Unions' Congress of Tanzania) has helped establish a number of new credit unions (SACCOs) which draw their membership from informal economy workers.

From entrepreneurship to education: how empowering women can help their children learn

Women’s entrepreneurship helps reduce poverty, promote gender equality and empower women. But it has another impact – providing women with the means to improve the health of their families and finance the education of their children. Two ILO projects in Africa funded by Irish AID are showing how learning business knowledge and skills not only creates jobs, but also extends empowerment to the future, promotes decent work and the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. ILO Online reports.

Geneva (ILO Online) – If education is the right path to a better future, is the empowerment of women and entrepreneurship a direct path to education?
So it would seem on the basis of a series of interviews conducted over the past year with women in a number of African countries who received training via the Women’s Entrepreneurship Development and Gender Equality (WEDGE) and Developing Entrepreneurship among Women with Disabilities (DEWD) Projects and published in a new report entitled “Voices of Women Entrepreneurs in Ethiopia, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia”.
In nearly every case where the women learned business knowledge and skills, about access to new markets and financing, support services and how to join networks and groups, they consistently channelled their new-found empowerment and income into making sure their families had the resources to send their children to school instead of out to work.
Take the case of Almaz. The disabled veteran of Tigray had never attended school herself, only receiving some training while serving. After demobilization due to an injury, she enrolled in ILO-supported training in Basic Business Skills for women entrepreneurs to learn about market research, profitability, product and location.
The business training made her realize that the market for her existing skills in food retailing was saturated. A few weeks later, with a move to a new home in Mekele town and the business information still fresh in her head, she seized a new opportunity as a butcher. Now she generates monthly revenues averaging Ethiopian Birr 15,000 (approximately US$ 640) and uses the profits to send all three of her children to school. She is also a major contributor to livelihood of her family.
In Uganda, Benedicta and her group, the Kinawataka Women’s Development Initiatives, tell a similar story about the benefits of learning for adults, and how this translates into education for children, with a slight twist – many of her peers have a disability. Their work involves taking straws and other products that would normally be cast away and turning them into saleable products.
“We are a group of women of various categories–HIV positive, single mothers, widows, orphans and women with disabilities”, she says. “We started little by little in 1998, but the project of using straws started in 2006.
Benedicta teaches other women her craft, inspiring them to create business opportunities for themselves. This includes training in how to display products, advertise and prepare for exhibitions and trade fairs provided by the ILO’s implementing partner, the Ugandan Women Entrepreneurs Association. The products produced a record sale of Ugandan Shillings 277,400 for last November, or approximately US$ 167 – more than three times her lowest monthly sales before training – and global recognition of the hand-woven products, made from recycled plastic straws, and other non-biodegradable waste items.
Like Almaz, Benedicta spends most of her income providing for her family and eight orphans whose parents have died due to war, HIV/AIDS or poverty.
“I can feed them unlike before”, she says. “My children, who were not in school, are now in school. So, this project really helped me a lot. I have really benefited.”
Both Almaz’s and Benedicta’s experiences mirror those of hundreds of other women entrepreneurs who now own and operate their own businesses in Ethiopia, Uganda, Tanzania and Zambia. All have benefited from ILO-supported training that formed part of the ILO-Irish Aid Partnership Programme on “Promoting Women’s Entrepreneurship Development and Gender Equality (WEDGE) and Developing Entrepreneurship among Women with Disabilities (DEWD).
The programme enhances the economic opportunities for women entrepreneurs, including women with disabilities and those living with HIV/AIDS, by building the capacity of governments, communities and organizations representing workers and employers to support all stages of their economic development.
This involves use of a broad range tools and resources created by the ILO to assist business development service providers and new or existing entrepreneurs in developing effective and practical techniques for managing their businesses. The ILO programme called “Improve Your Exhibiting Skills” (IYES) is among the innovative training tools expressly developed to improve market access for women entrepreneurs through the organizing of trade fairs and exhibitions.
These women-owned businesses range from construction to food processing, education to handicrafts. One of the predominant themes emerging from the personal stories recently collected from the partnership programme in the booklet “Voices of Women Entrepreneurs in Ethiopia, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia” just published by the ILO is that women with economic power and direct control over their income or other key economic resources such as animals or land, are likely to contribute to their children’s education and health and, indirectly, their countries’ income growth. What is more, their personal experiences reveal that as entrepreneurs they have greater personal and financial autonomy, an increased role in household decisions, more influence as community leaders and can serve as role models for other aspiring women entrepreneurs – despite barriers to starting and growing businesses due to gender, disability and HIV/AIDS status.
“The personal stories collected not only underscore the increasingly vital and effective role that African women play in the micro and small business sectors, but also how they use the income generated from their businesses to contribute to the economic well-being of their families directly and indirectly to their country’s economy”, says Joni Simpson, Specialist and Coordinator for Women’s and Youth Entrepreneurship at the ILO. “Equally important, their stories show that the ILO-IRISH AID Partnership Programme is a good model for reducing the vulnerability of women’s enterprises because of its focus on promoting equal opportunities for training and development, membership in associations and groups that advocate on behalf of women entrepreneurs, and increased access to financial services and new markets.”
For Mwantatu, a woman in Zanzibar who has grown a business from an informal, part-time activity carried out in her home to a real business providing services such as decorating the hands and feet of women with henna, the value of training and economic empowerment is very clear.
“I am very proud of my achievements in building up the business. I have been able to improve my family situation by constructing a house and sending my five children to good schools”, she says.

Tanzanian children struggle with homelessness

[As a result of urbanization], a lot of fathers are leaving the rural areas for the urban areas to find work," Stewart said. "If they don't find work in these places, they can't go back because of certain attitudes in terms of a male's responsibility for his family, so they abandon their families and leave mom in the villages with all these kids. She can't do it, so a lot of these kids say, 'OK, mom can't take care of me, so I need to just go away.' ”

These children are in most cases neglected by parents. They survive on rancid leftovers of food often scooped out of garbage cans. They sleep in the dank alleys. Many blame their "cruel" parents in particular and society in general for their predicament.  Some of the children I spoke to recently sleep in abandoned kiosks and shacks. In coastal cities and towns street children sleep in junked boats, abandoned homes, semi-finished houses and dilapidated vehicles, canopies of trees or on the open beach.  Many do not trust anyone. They are security sensitive and always carry knives for self-defence. In some cases, it is these needy children who engage in criminal activities for reasons of sheer survival.  Some of these delinquents may have been brought up by parents who have no respect for the rule of law or who are criminals themselves.

INCIDENCE AND NATURE OF CHILD LABOR - In the informal sector, children are engaged in scavenging, fishing, fish processing, and quarrying.  Other children work as barmaids, street vendors, car washers, shoe shiners, cart pushers, carpenters, auto repair mechanics, and in garages.  In 2001, 56.9 percent of children aged 5 to 17 years attended school.


CHILDREN - UNICEF estimated there were two million child orphans, most of them orphaned by AIDS. There were significant numbers of street children in both Dar es Salaam and Arusha. Street children had limited access to health and education services because they lacked a fixed address and money to purchase medicines, school uniforms, or books. They were also subject to sexual abuse by older street children and persons without a fixed residence. In the refugee camps, orphans were generally absorbed into other families and those who were not absorbed generally qualified as extremely vulnerable individuals and received additional support and counseling.


[36] The Committee is concerned about the incidence of police brutality, particularly against children living and/or working on the streets, refugee children and those in conflict with the law. Concern is also expressed at the inadequate enforcement of existing legislation to ensure that all children are treated with respect for their physical and mental integrity and their inherent dignity.
[60] The Committee notes that the State party joined the ILO International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC) in 1994 and subsequently committed itself to a time-bound program to eliminate the worst forms of child labor, starting in mid-2001. However, in light of the current economic situation, the increasing number of school drop-outs and the increasing number of children living and/or working on the streets, the Committee is concerned about the large number of children engaged in labor and the lack of information and adequate data on the situation of child labor and economic exploitation within the State party.


Driving his Coaster commuter bus on the 15-kilometre journey from Mwenge to Kariakoo, Rashid Juma is always confronted by little girls and boys who beg for money at the Fire Bus Stop in Dar es Salaam.   He parts with at least 100 shillings daily to offer to such beggars, still at very tender age, continually waving pitifully at him or other motorists as vehicles stop at the red lights.   ``I sympathise with the poor lot. I give whatever I can find in my pocket.   It is a painful sight,`` says the driver, who almost instinctively dips his hand in his trouser or shirt pocket to find any coins on seeing such poor kids.   The Fire Brigade Bus Stop, along Morogoro road, is a place of high concentration of child beggars.   Worldwide, millions of children never enjoy childhood because they are forced to work, and sometimes as labourers or virtual slaves.   The practice is illegal in Tanzania but it is becoming common in towns where parents are said to tell their children to help fight poverty by begging in the streets.

The fast-increase in the number of street children in almost all major and small urban areas in the country, with Dar es Salaam leading the pack, is a matter of great concern. It’s a time bomb that must be defused.
There are several causes for the increase as advanced by researchers, the most hyped about being children who are left with no families after their parents died of HIV/AIDS. Other causes mentioned are family poverty, mistreatment by irresponsible parents or guardians and rebellious behaviour among some children for one reason or another.
Some lazy parents who think that begging is the only way of earning a living, take their children with them to the streets and introduce them to the world of begging, a very sad case of beggar-begetting-beggar. To the poor children, this is the world they would learn to know for the rest of their lives if no intervention will be forthcoming along the way.
Experience and research has shown that some of the street children, bitter with the way the world has treated them, graduate into hardcore criminals on reaching adulthood or even much earlier. Who is to blame for this undesirable state of affairs other than the larger society in which the displaced children live?


One of the African countries, which have witnessed a tremendous increase in unsupervised children either living alone or working on urban streets, is Tanzania.  Since Tanzania has introduced the neo-liberal development paradigm in 1985, instructed by the World Bank and the IMF, and has been severely hit by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, the number of street children has increased rapidly and has become a growing social problem and concern.  This social problem is especially acute in big cities, like Dar es Salaam, Arusha, Morogoro, Moshi, Tanga, Mbeya and Mwanza, where the rates of urban population growth have been exploding.  The rapid population growth has been associated with an increase in the number of children living alone on urban streets or spending most of their day on the streets in the quest for survival.  The majority of these children have for various reasons either abandoned or have been abandoned by their families and have migrated to urban areas in order to earn a living.
Urban street children are seen as a problem which further compounds the nature of an urban crisis. Tanzanian politicians, policy-makers and urban planners seem to be helpless in their efforts to either solve the problem or to assist street children and have failed to prescribe plausible concrete solutions.  In fact, the official government attitude towards street children has been very negative. Street children are considered to be hooligans, vagabonds and prone to commit crimes.  As a result of this, they have been target of harassment by law enforcement organisations; there are many cases of street children being beaten by police, detained and sometimes repatriated to their rural homes.  Nevertheless, these draconian measures have not provided long-term solutions to this social problem.  The number of urban street children has continued to escalate every year. - sccp

Available figures indicate that currently there are 411 street children in the two region's cities compared to 301 the previous year.  A study conducted in 2006 shows that the number is increasing at the rate of 26 per cent per year.  Most of the street children in Arusha are boys while in Moshi the majority are girls. More than 90 per cent are aged over 15 years in Arusha while in Moshi the same age group accounts for 50 per cent of the street kids.  The Centre says most children end up in the street due to poverty, alcoholism, divorces and related family disputes. Others prefer the streets to being forced to work on farms by their parents to supplement family incomes.  Once on the streets, the majority of them engage in risky behaviour that exposes them to HIV/Aids.

Street children in Arusha and Moshi municipalities can now access free medical treatment and health care, thanks to an initiative of an organisation working on their behalf.  According to Anna Thor of Mkombozi center for street children, street children in the two municipalities are issued with a special “sick sheet” which they need only to present to a hospital or clinic in order to receive treatment. The health centre will then be reimbursed by the organisation.  Ms Thor says that her organisation tries to capture local potential through learning and reflection and acts as a catalyst for children's holistic development
She says in a recent report released recently that the number has gone up by 67 per cent in five years since the last census in 2003. Verbal, physical and sexual abuses are often mentioned as the reasons for children to leave for the streets. Once there they face more violence and abuse in a constant struggle to access food, safety and opportunities to disengage with street life. There is no practical state support for these children.  Through its outreach programme, Mkombozi supports children outreach programmes in Arusha and it is looking forward to provide mobile unit that will enable more children to be reached and a more comprehensive array of services to be offered on the street.


These children are in most cases neglected by parents. They survive on rancid leftovers of food often scooped out of garbage cans. They sleep in the dank alleys. Many blame their "cruel" parents in particular and society in general for their predicament.  Some of the children I spoke to recently sleep in abandoned kiosks and shacks. In coastal cities and towns street children sleep in junked boats, abandoned homes, semi-finished houses and dilapidated vehicles, canopies of trees or on the open beach.  Many do not trust anyone. They are security sensitive and always carry knives for self-defence. In some cases, it is these needy children who engage in criminal activities for reasons of sheer survival.  Some of these delinquents may have been brought up by parents who have no respect for the rule of law or who are criminals themselves.

Some of the children were in the company of a parent or, in few cases, both parents. I was amazed. Indeed, I found it a sorry spectacle. Families living in grinding poverty think they have no dignity to defend. So, to them, scavenging is a small, acceptable matter.  In most cases it is the same street children that we see eating from garbage cans that visit dumpsites. Young beggars and other socially disadvantaged children also scavenge. The habit is so compelling that the dumps are sometimes swarming with scavengers.  The most notorious scavengers are found in the city of Dar es Salaam where dumpsites are almost always overflowing with refuse shunted in from various sources including the port, hospitals, factories, garages and homes.  Scavenging children make their living by picking up and selling used paper, plastic, bottles, metal pieces, tins, rags, clothes and other objects from street garbage or dumpsites. Adult scavengers do exactly the same thing.


Over half of the parents residing along Mahita Street in Morogoro Municipality engage their children in street begging to earn a living. The Deputy Minister for Community Development, Gender and Children, Dr Lucy Nkya, revealed in the National Assembly yesterday that the facts were revealed in a survey conducted in the area recently.  "Some 60 per cent of the parents interviewed admitted that they send their children to streets to beg and bring back to them what they got,"


“[As a result of urbanization], a lot of fathers are leaving the rural areas for the urban areas to find work," Stewart said. "If they don't find work in these places, they can't go back because of certain attitudes in terms of a male's responsibility for his family, so they abandon their families and leave mom in the villages with all these kids. She

A new Wearside charity is to bring fresh hope to poverty-stricken street children in Tanzania.
"The poverty over there is unimaginable. One of the families who were considered 'comfortable' had three of four children sleeping in one bed, a charcoal fire in a basic hut."
"Children over there often come down from the country and villages to try to get work. You'll often see little kids breaking rocks by the side of the road. It's absolutely heartbreaking."


It may sound fictitious but it`s real: Nicholaus Issa is three-people-in-one. From sunrise to noon, he is a student and then converts to part-beggar and part-odd jobs operative in the streets up to late evening.  The ``third person`` rounds off the day when he retires for the night, not in the conventional sense of sleeping under a roof, but in the open.  15-year-old Nicholaus is a street child, who shares the degrading label with several other boys and girls in Dar es Salaam and other Tanzanian urban centres.  The only difference for him, which makes him luckier than several of his core community-mates, is that education is one of the components of his life while that of others is confined to two, and both negative.


According to the Arusha municipality public relations officer, Elias Malima, this exercise is done repeatedly to make sure the streets remain clear without beggars or street kids who disturb pedestrians and motorists by asking them money.
In December last year more than 300 beggars were sent back to their home villages but up to mid January this year most of them were back in Arusha and begging as usual with glee and relish.


Some of these highly vulnerable and socially disadvantaged were in the company of a parent or, in some cases, both parents. This was a sorry spectacle indeed. I was amazed. Families living in grinding poverty often think they have no dignity to defend. So, to them, scavenging is a small, compelling matter. In most cases, it is the same street children that we see eating from garbage cans that visit dumpsites. Young beggars and other socially disadvantaged children also scavenge.
The habit is so compelling that the dumps, especially those in Dar es Salaam, sometimes swarm with scavengers. It is a pity that some people make scavenging a life-long undertaking. Marunde Mboni (47), a resident of Dodoma, has scavenged in the municipality for nearly 40 years. Scavenging children make their living by picking up and selling used paper, plastic, bottles, metal pieces, tins, rags, clothes and other objects from street garbage or dumpsites.


Not far from the dance halls, there was a negative street phenomenon that has overtaken Mwanza and authorities seem not to care, although they notice. As early as 10 pm you can see a group of girls standing under lamp posts. Some of these girls are probably as young as ten years old, dressed like young adults in tight trousers while others are skimpily dressed in cheap mitumba (second-hand clothes).
When a car approaches they gesture to catch the attention of the motorist. These are the child prostitutes of Mwanza. Some of these are said to be homeless children or street children, if you like.
During the day, they are seen as street children, and at night they moonlight as commercial sex workers serving pedophiles. In their nocturnal exploits these young flesh hawkers are bound to be exposed to cruelty, abuse and infection with sexually transmitted infections including HIV/AIDS.


It has been determined that some homeless children share the mean streets with adult underworld criminals -- thieves, drug peddlers, and others. These adults get into contact with street children easily. They, indeed, exploit them for criminal ends. Sometimes the children wind up in prisons.
Thieves often send street children on errands. The children are instructed to steal mobile phones, handbags and gold chains from pedestrians. The young thieves are paid small sums of money in return but in the process they risk being caught and battered to death by rowdy mobs.
Street children are also used to push narcotic drugs for adult criminals. Children are invariably deemed to be innocent young souls who cannot afford to buy and sell expensive narcotic drugs. So drug barons often exploit this notion to the fullest.

By the time he was nine, both of his parents had died from Aids, and Sospeter was forced to fend for himself, begging for scraps as he made his away across the fourth poorest nation in the world in search of an education.  That was until he came to the notice of Norfolk-based charity Street Child Rescue Tanzania, whose founder Vicky Robertson paid for a secondary-school education in which he has so far excelled.  Now 21, Sospeter is about to start his A-levels in Tanzania, runs a boarding house for the charity where he looks after 10 former street children, and finds time to play football for a team in the equivalent of the English Championship.


We are then shown a glimpse of the lives of Mwanza street children. Some of them are neglected by their parents who have to go to other areas to find work, leaving their children to their own devices.
But more disturbing is the fact that most of them have to live on the streets because their parents have died of AIDS. The fishermen's sheer poverty has inadvertently contributed to the quick spread of the disease.
In a particular fishermen's community with a population of around 300, some 45 to 50 individuals have died due to the virus within the last six months. We see a religious leader who says that he does not encourage his flock to wear condoms "because it is sinful."
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The region is destitute and the government has done little to assist children who have been abandoned due to poverty or who have lost parents due to disease.  In Dar-Es-Salaam, the east coast capital of Tanzania, the streets are home to about 2,000 abandoned children.  The government has made no attempt to understand who these children are, where they come from, their reasons for leaving home, how they survive and what problems they face.


Within the context of national levels of poverty, ‘cost-sharing’ in health and education sectors, and the AIDS epidemic, poor families in Tanzania are under considerable pressure, and increasing numbers of girls and boys are consequently seeking a living independently on the streets of towns and cities.


Background: Children under 15 constitute about 46% of the population. The urban population is estimated at about 26%. There has been an increase in street children numbers since the early 1990s due to the impact of poverty on households and the effect of HIV/AIDS. In a 2000 survey by Mkombozi, 22% of children migrating to the streets was the result of school exclusion linked to inability to pay school fees.


Increasing poverty and migration from the countryside to towns are the reasons for the disbandment of traditional family structures followed by a loss of support to children from the extended family. Street children are left alone, undernourished and under constant pressure to find food and a place to sleep. Theft, robbery and prostitution are their daily strategies of survival.

Tanzania ,Motor ‘speed governors’ fail to curb road accidents

Fatal motor accidents are increasing in east African roads while the state authorities are probing hard for solutions to main causes, which are reckless driving and corruption in Traffic Police.

Motor accidents compete with malaria and HIV/ AIDS as major human killers in the region. Tanzania is the most affected than the neighbouring Kenya and Uganda due to the increasing car imports and improved roads.

Speed governor, a gadget that limits vehicle speeds has failed since the law amendments were passed on the Traffic Acts to impose the new technology as a compulsory engine component to all public transport vehicles. Kenya amended its Traffic Act in 1994 and Tanzania followed in1996. Uganda has yet to affect such a law but debates were hot in Kampala from mid 1990s due to an increasing number of road accidents.

Available official statistics shows that since 1997 motor accidents are increasing parallel with the number of casualties in Tanzania and Kenya. Most of dead victims were pedestrians, majority of them ignorant of traffic laws and driving. An average of 40 accidents occur daily and speed control for public transport vehicles to a maximum of 80 kilometres per hour was deemed as appropriate solution.

In Tanzania, the National Institute of Transport (NIT) estimates an average annual growth rate of 7.2% in road accidents since 1974. The property losses due to accidents are estimated at 20 billion Tanzanian shillings (approx. US$ 23 million) annually.

According to recent research findings, Dar es Salaam roads are the most risky in Tanzania. Almost one-third (1/3) of all road accidents occur in Dar es Salaam, the main commercial city and de-facto capital of Tanzania with three million inhabitants. In 1994, NIT studies revealed that the losses due to accidents are 20 times higher in Tanzania than in the United Kingdom.

“Our total accidents are 20 times higher than those of Sweden, a country with vehicles 20 times than ours,” says a report by NIT, the sole institute dedicated in transport training courses in eastern Africa. In 1996, NIT played a major role in convincing the Tanzanian legislatures to pass the Traffic Act Amendment in favor of speed limiters.

Only a few companies were authorized to fit the gadgets in vehicles for Traffic Police inspection. Vehicle owners were obliged to obtain a certificate from the authorized companies, to show to the inspectors that they have fitted genuine speed limiters. The Dar es Salaam based Equator Body Builders Limited is among the authorized companies, which made a big business profit from importation and fitting of the gadgets since March 1997 when the amended traffic law became effective.

Defending the technology, an automobile engineer from Equator Body Builders told the Press in 1997 that apart from speed control, the gadgets reduces unnecessarily excessive fuel consumption. This is added economic benefit to vehicle owners as running costs are reduced to 45% through fuel saving, he argued.

He refuted charges by some vehicle owners that the technology can damage engines. The gadget restricts the maximum engine speed according to calibrations and has no effect on engine torque (horsepower or kilowatt output), said the engineer.

Today, the public is counting nine years since the traffic law amendment and the subsequent entry of compulsory speed limiters, but road accidents are increasing and those who propagated for speed control technology are silent.

Emerging today are several opinions for alternative measures that were suppressed in mid 1990s in support of speed control. It has been establish in recent analysis and studies on road accidents that no technology can effectively work without inculcating into the minds of masses, the eminent dangers of violating traffic laws.

Since modern motor vehicles are made with high sped capabilities, and high speed is desired to shorten traveling time, then all sound minds are subject to a gross dilemma between choosing “safe” but time-consuming journeys and “dangerous” but short-time journeys.

This dilemma is boosted by the facts from studies done in developed countries, which revealed that too low speeds are dangerous as well. In Norway and the United States the studies revealed that speed controls are effective in curbing motor accidents. For instance most states of America enforced a speed limit of 55 miles per hour (88 kilometres per hour) between 1974 and 1987 during the energy crisis and gained positive results.

However, analysis on the results revealed that the achievement was boosted by effective traffic law enforcement throughout the states. Further analysis revealed that the more a driver deviate from the average speed of traffic (low or high), the greater the chance of being involved in an accident. A safe speed depends on the average speed of the traffic stream, hence too low or too high speeds could both be dangerous.

When statistics are employed in debating, the major cause for accidents differs from developing and developed countries. Most of road accidents in developing countries occur in major cities, while in developed countries motor accidents are generally a widespread episode.

Taking the official statistics in Tanzania as an example, 54% of road accident casualties are passengers, but pedestrian deaths account to 65% of all motor accident deaths in Dar es Salaam alone. That means people walking or cycling beside the city roads are at risky of accident and death than those traveling by motor vehicles.

According to a report by city authorities, road accidents in Dar es Salaam account to 35% of all road accidents and 20% of all deaths due to road accidents countrywide, though the city’s population is 10% of the entire Tanzanian population of 34.6 million.

Bicycles are the most economical but dangerous transport in Dar es Salaam. The low and mid income earners who form the bulk of Dar population that could be cyclists but lower level of safety marginalize cycling to the few daring ones. Cases of cyclists being knocked down are common, and the situation is worse during rain seasons, when motorists drive in road peripherals to avoid potholes. The law enforcement is slack as far as cyclists’ rights are concerned hence reckless motorists do not respect them as entitle road users.

Analysis on accidents revealed that pedestrians, bicyclists and motorcyclists killed daily on the city roads are not necessarily knocked by high-speed vehicles. In many cases drivers under the influence of alcohol toxic knock them while at normal speeds of 40 to 60 kilometres per hour.

Further analysis on statistics proved that saloon cars top the list of fatal road accidents and not passenger vehicles. Large number of city accidents occurs during weekends and holidays, and the main cause is pedestrians and reckless drivers who drink alcoholic beverages.

Cars killed two prominent journalists, John Makwaia and Robert Rweyemamu while crossing Dar es Salaam roads in 1988 and 2005 respectively. They were all said to come from night pubs during weekdays. The killers vanished immediately and nobody could record the car numbers because the roads had no lights and the car lights were switched-off after the accidents.

Hit and run deaths are common in Dar es Salaam roads and due to lack of road lights, motorists are forced to drive with full lights and hence increasing the risks of such accidents. Human killing by rushing cars marches with killing of roaming pets and livestock.
In one fatal accident, a normal speed car trying to deviate a roaming goat lost control and knocked three pedestrians. One of them died in hospital while the other two are permanently crippled.

In April 1984, the late Prime Minister of Tanzania, Edward Moringe Sokoine was killed in a road accident along the Morogoro to Dar es Salaam highway. The killer driver who hit the PM motorcade was driving under the influence of alcohol and was imprisoned.

In proposing application of speed governors, experts in the transport sector included other measures to go parallel with that technology. Streetlights and traffic signs were mentioned as necessary factors in limiting night accidents. Experts also proposed road hierarchy by classifying or grouping roads according to their uses. Not many of these proposals were adhered to or implemented accordingly. Today, the city of Dar es Salaam is synonymous with heavy traffic queues and jams during weekdays’ working hours.

“Driving is no longer a comfortable job in this city,” says Juma Kasim, a city center tax driver with over 30 years of experience. Kasim remember “old good days in 1970s” when he was able to drive his “Ford Cortina” saloon from south to north points of the city anytime without meeting any queue anywhere. “Today half of petrol I put in my car (Toyota Mark-II) is wasted in queues,” laments Kasim.

Kasim is more irked by increases of preventable accidents, poor traffic management and corruption in traffic police. He said he knows a young man of 25 who learned to drive for five days and then obtain a Class-C license, which permits him to drive all types of motor vehicles.

According to the Ministry of Transport and Communication (MoTC), road accidents in Tanzania are caused by six major factors. These are: bad roads; defective vehicles; speeding; weak law enforcement; bad driving; and ignorant pedestrians. Corruptible licensing system is mentioned as a sub factor under weak law enforcement while on road bribery and corruption is mentioned as a sub-factor under defective vehicles.

The State Preventive of Corruption Bureau (PCB) lists corruption in Police Force particularly the criminal investigation and traffic departments as an outstanding spot of main concern.